Orion Quin
The Everyday Aristotle  ·  08 / 12

ENKRATEIA · SELF-CONTROL

The One Who Has to Force Himself

Two people doing exactly the same thing, at completely different cost — and a ranking that moralizes the difference.


Effort · Cost  ·  ~6 min read

§Two People, Same Behaviour

And no way to tell them apart from outside

Two people arrive within a minute of each other, in the dark, to do the same difficult thing. They have both done it for years. On any record they are identical: same attendance, same output, same reliability, and if you asked anyone who knew them both they would name the same two dependable people.

For one of them, arriving is roughly like arriving anywhere. There was no moment this morning at which not coming was a live option, and so nothing had to be done about it. The alarm went and the sequence ran.

For the other, this morning had a fight in it. A real one, with a case made on each side, and it was won by a margin narrower than anyone watching would guess. That has happened every single time for years, and will happen again tomorrow.

The record cannot show any of that, and the cost is the whole difference between them. It is also the thing most worth knowing about either of them, and the only way to find it out is to ask.

Aristotle separates them by name. The sōphrōn, the temperate person, does not feel the pull. The enkratēs, the self-controlled one, feels it and does not follow. And he ranks the first above the second.

§The Two Ways This Goes Wrong

Mistaking the fight for the virtue, and mistaking ease for merit

The culture makes one error; Aristotle makes the other.

The fight as the achievement

Struggle gets rewarded because it is visible. The person for whom it is easy looks like they are not trying, which produces the perverse result that the cheapest version of the behaviour gets the least credit.

Ease as merit

Aristotle’s error. Ranking the person who does not feel the pull above the one who does treats a difference in starting conditions as a difference in worth, which is not obviously fair and has consequences.

The temperate person does not feel the pull. The self-controlled one feels it and does not follow. Both do the same thing.after Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics VII.9, 1151b34–1152a3

§The Line

The distinction, without the ranking

The observation is excellent and the ranking is separable from it. Two people doing the same thing can be in entirely different conditions, and nothing observable distinguishes them.

That is worth a great deal on its own, and it is the part to keep.

§The Story

He expects the transition, and so should you

Aristotle’s account of how you get from one state to the other is habituation — essay three — and he treats the transition as normal.

The person learning something does it deliberately, effortfully, against resistance. That is what learning feels like. With enough repetition the effort drops, not because the person got stronger but because the behaviour stopped requiring a decision.

So self-control is not a lesser kind of person. It is an earlier stage, and the cost dropping over time is the expected result rather than a sign of anything.

§The Science

The finding that reframes this whole essay

Brian Galla and Angela Duckworth found across six studies that people who score high on trait self-control are not better at resisting temptation.4 They have more automatic, habitual routines, and therefore fewer occasions of resistance.

The complementary work is Marina Milyavskaya and Michael Inzlicht’s.5 Sampling people through their days, they found that experiencing more temptation predicted worse goal progress, and that effortful resistance did not predict success. What predicted success was having fewer temptations to begin with.

This inverts the folk model completely. The disciplined person is not winning fights; they have arranged a life with fewer fights in it. And it makes the ranking above look different again: the temperate person is not morally superior, they are further along in habituation or better situated, or both.

A note on what is not cited here: the ego-depletion literature, which once supplied the standard model of self-control as a depletable resource, has largely failed large-scale replication, and this essay does not rely on it.

§The Case Against

The ranking does real harm

This is where Aristotle’s framework is most likely to hurt somebody.

The case against

Ranking ease above effort moralizes a difference in circumstances.

People differ in what they find difficult for reasons that include upbringing, resources, health, and what else they are carrying that week. Treating the person who finds it easy as the better person converts luck into virtue, which is one of the older mistakes in ethics.

It also punishes disclosure. Someone who says “this is hard for me every time” is, on this ranking, confessing to a lesser condition. So they do not say it, and the cost stays invisible until something breaks.

And it is bad prediction. The person fighting hard and winning is closer to failure than the record shows, and the record is what decisions get made on. Keep the observation, drop the ranking: it is the ranking that makes the useful information unsayable.

§The Practice

Count the fights, not the outcomes

How many times a day do you have to override yourself? Most people have never counted, and the number is usually higher than expected.

That is the measure this essay cares about. Not whether you did the thing — what it cost to do it. A high count with perfect compliance is not a success story; it is an expensive arrangement that will not survive a bad month.

Then reduce the count rather than strengthening the resistance. Structure, defaults, what is in the house, what is already arranged. The evidence points overwhelmingly at this and everybody reaches for it last.

And ask the question of other people. Two people with identical records are not in the same condition, and the only way to find out is to ask what it costs.

§Two Weeks

Counting the cost

The count is the intervention. It makes an invisible variable visible.

Days 1–2
Count the fights. Not the outcomes. Every time you override yourself, a tally mark.
Days 3–5
Note where they cluster. Time of day, situation, what preceded them. Clusters are structural, which is good news.
Days 6–9
Remove one occasion of temptation rather than resisting it better. Change the arrangement.
Days 10–14
Recount. If the number dropped without any change in behaviour, the essay’s point has been made on your own data.

§What This Leaves You With

A cost, made visible

Aristotle ranked them and the ranking is the part to leave behind. It converts circumstance into virtue and makes the most useful piece of information — that this is costing me a great deal — the thing least safe to say.

The observation underneath is worth everything. Two people can do exactly the same thing in completely different conditions, and no record will ever show it.

And the modern evidence points the practical work somewhere unglamorous: reduce the number of occasions rather than strengthening the response. The disciplined people are not winning more fights. They are having fewer.

§The Takeaway

Two people doing the same thing can be in entirely different conditions, and no record shows it. Count the fights, not the outcomes.

Trait self-control works through having fewer temptations, not through winning more battles — and effortful resistance does not predict success. Drop Aristotle’s ranking: it converts circumstance into virtue and makes the cost unsayable.

§Sources

Quotations are from the Nicomachean Ethics unless noted, cited by book, chapter and Bekker number; renderings follow W. D. Ross (rev. Urmson), Terence Irwin or Roger Crisp, and a condensed line is marked “after Aristotle”. Modern research is cited by author and publication.

  1. Aristotle — Nicomachean Ethics VII.9 (the temperate and the self-controlled distinguished, 1151b32–1152a6) and II.3 (pleasure and pain in the settled state, 1104b3–1105a16). The ranking this essay declines is at 1151b34–1152a3.
  2. Broadie, Sarah — Ethics with Aristotle (1991). Why the ranking follows from his account of virtue, and what it costs him.
  3. Galla, B. M. & Duckworth, A. L. — “More than resisting temptation: beneficial habits mediate the relationship between self-control and positive life outcomes,” JPSP 109(3) (2015). Six studies; habits rather than resistance.
  4. Milyavskaya, M. & Inzlicht, M. — “What’s so great about self-control?” Social Psychological and Personality Science 8(6) (2017). Effortful resistance not predicting success.
  5. Hagger, M. S. et al. — “A multilab preregistered replication of the ego-depletion effect,” Perspectives on Psychological Science 11(4) (2016). Why this essay does not use the depletion model.
  6. Duckworth, A. L., Gendler, T. S. & Gross, J. J. — “Situational strategies for self-control,” Perspectives on Psychological Science 11(1) (2016). Changing the situation rather than the response.